Saturday, November 23, 2019

Dispute Over NJ Tax Breaks for Ghermezians

American Dream, Source of Argument for and Against Reform of NJ Tax Incentives


JOHN REITMEYER | OCTOBER 29, 2019 | BUDGET
Megamall probably could not have come to life without major state tax breaks and probably would not receive such incentives under governor’s reform pla
Credit: NJTV News
A section of the American Dream megamall opened last week.
The long-awaited debut of the American Dream megamall in the Meadowlands is being viewed as both a success story for the state’s controversial tax incentives but at the same time as a huge billboard for the need to reform those incentives, as promoted by Gov. Phil Murphy.
On one hand, the mall’s partial opening last week comes nearly a decade after it was brought back from the dead, thanks in large part to the state’s largest ever economic-development tax break.
As a result, thousands of jobs are now being created where a vacant and much-derided complex once loomed over the New Jersey Turnpike.
But even after American Dream has taken a big step forward, a number of big concerns still remain for it. Among them are fears the mall will create more traffic than area roads can handle. Another is whether it can generate enough well-paying jobs to justify the state’s long-standing commitment to the project — and  enough revenue to stay economically viable.
And while Murphy has been among the loudest critics of the state tax-incentive programs that were in place when he took office early last year, the Democratic governor was also among the first in line to celebrate last week’s partial opening.
“This feels like a success,” Murphy said as he attended opening festivities at the mall on Friday.

‘Goal now is to help it succeed’

Asked to comment on American Dream in the context of Murphy’s bid to reform the state’s tax-incentive programs, the governor’s office pointed yesterday to the project’s long history under previous governors going back to Democrat Jim McGreevey.
“Our goal now is to help it succeed,” said Murphy spokesman Darryl Isherwood. “As the governor said at the opening, American Dream will provide much needed jobs and economic growth to the state.”
But Isherwood also said the state’s new tax incentives­­­­ “will be targeted at high-growth sectors and will focus on helping businesses grow and prosper in New Jersey.”
“We’ve said from the beginning our new incentive program must work for everyone, not just the politically connected,” he said.
Launched under the name Xanadu in 2003, the megamall project initially was aimed at generating much-needed economic development in the Meadowlands in the wake of the decline of its horse track. But the project stalled during the Great Recession as developers went bust, threatening to leave vacant a massive building whose multicolored exterior was heavily criticized by area residents.
Current developer Triple Five, the owner and operator of Mall of America in Minnesota, entered the scene in 2011 when former Republican Gov. Chris Christie was in office. Triple Five planned a massive expansion of American Dream — necessary for its success, it said — and  sought a $390 million state tax break to help pay for construction, which was approved in November 2013.
Under the design of that tax break — which is a rebate on a portion of the project’s sales-tax revenue — American Dream is projected to generate an overall net benefit for the state. It is projected to create more than 10,000 permanent jobs, as well as thousands of other construction jobs, according to the Economic Development Authority, the agency that approved the tax break.

Are taxpayers getting good value?

But Murphy has loudly questioned whether the tax-incentive programs he inherited from Christie can offer taxpayers good enough value for the dollar.
In fact, earlier this year Murphy allowed the state’s main tax-incentive offerings to expire rather than renew them, absent major reform. He has instead proposed a new set of incentives that would target the tax breaks more toward specific goals, such as fostering startups and growth in high-tech industries. And he’s pushing for tight, annual caps on tax incentives to ease their impact on the state budget.
Former state Sen. Ray Lesniak — who authored the expired tax-incentive programs — noted yesterday that it was those prior offerings that ended up getting American Dream the gap-financing needed to complete the project.
“It would still be a white elephant casting an ugly look across the Turnpike, producing no jobs and no tax revenue to the State Treasury,” Lesniak said, when asked what would have happened if Murphy’s proposed reforms were in place in 2013, when the project was floundering.
That wouldn’t necessarily have been a bad thing, according to Jeff Tittel of the Sierra Club, a longtime critic of the project going back to its Xanadu days .
Among Tittel’s concerns about American Dream are the drain on energy resources posed by amusements like its indoor ski slope and wave pool. Traffic around the 3-million square-foot complex will also add to greenhouse gas emissions in the sensitive Meadowlands if it lives up to attendance projections, he said. Tittel is also concerned that most of the jobs at American Dream are low-paying, non-unionized positions that will make it tough for workers to afford to live in the Meadowlands region.
“I think that’s a big piece,” Tittel said.
The history of the American Dream project has also raised concerns about political cronyism, which have been mentioned more recently in media reports and by the special task force Murphy impaneled earlier this year to investigate the state’s tax-incentive programs.
A five-part series that was published in 2016 by NJ Spotlight, WNYC and Bloomberg Businessweek tracked $350,000 in contributions that were made by those with ties to American Dream to political funds controlled by Christie, including as he ran for re-election and later for U.S. president. They included contributions that members of the Ghermezian family, Triple Five’s owners, made to the state Republican Party’s federal account, which avoided triggering state “pay to play” regulations. To curb the influence of such contributions on government actions, “pay to play” regulations restrict how much those doing business with the state are allowed donate to state-registered political funds.

Friday, November 22, 2019

Ghermezians' Political Games in Miami


A rendering of the proposed American Dream Miami retail theme park in Northwest Miami-Dade. The County Commission approved zoning and land-use changes for the project on Thursday, May 17, 2018, with a 9 to 1 vote. Commissioner Daniella Levine Cava cast the lone no vote. Triple Five
American Dream mega-mall is trying to oust the only commissioner who voted against it
BY DOUGLAS HANKS
·          
July 25, 2018 08:21 PM
Updated July 25, 2018 10:33 PM

Daniella Levine Cava was the only Miami-Dade commissioner to vote against the American Dream Miami mega-mall and theme park in May, and now the Canadian-based developer is the top donor to one of her opponent’s campaign.
Gus Barreiro, a former state representative challenging the South Dade commissioner for Miami-Dade’s District 8 commission seat, has received nearly $7,500 in campaign contributions from donors tied to American Dream developer Triple Five, including a $1,000 check from CEO Syd Ghermezian. The known donations tied to Triple Five account for about 60 percent of Barreiro’s nearly $12,000 in campaign donations.
Another $100,000 went to a state political committee Barreiro said is supporting him, Citizens Alliance for Florida’s Economy. Solomon Saraway, who is related to the Ghermezian family through marriage and was identified as a Triple Five executive in a 2009 campaign donation in Minnesota, gave $25,000 to the committee on July 12. Three firms connected to him each gave $25,000 to the committee on the same day as well.

Barreiro said he met with Triple Five to talk about financial support before he joined the commission race in June, about four weeks after the County Commission voted 9-1 to give final approval to the $4 billion retail theme park in Northwest Miami-Dade. He talked about his support of the project, and he said the Ghermezians agreed to support his campaign.
“I met with the family,” Barreiro said of the Ghermezians, whose family-owned company is best known as the developer of Minnesota’s Mall of America. “I’m happy to receive their support.”

The two are running for the nonpartisan District 8 primary on Aug. 28. A third candidate, Johnathan Burke, has raised about $2,000 for his campaign.
Miami-Dade Commissioner Daniella Levine Cava is running for reelection as Miami-Dade’s District 8 commissioner.
Barreiro said he was “taken aback” to hear Levine Cava object to the fact that American Dream planned to create mostly low-wage jobs, a figure based on the company’s economic-development forecast showing 60 percent of the 14,000 jobs would pay less than $25,000 a year.
“Everybody wants high-paying jobs,” Barreiro said. “But you have to start somewhere.”
Levine Cava, running for a second four-year term on the 13-member commission before term limits kick in, has a significant financial advantage over Barreiro, whose brother, Bruno, resigned his District 5 commission seat earlier this year to run for Congress.
Her campaign alone has raised nearly $500,000, not counting money directed to an allied political committee, Changing Florida’s Future, which has nearly $400,000 in the bank. Donors to Levine Cava include top developers and companies with county contracts, including Landmark and Transportation America.
Ghermezian representatives did not respond to requests for comment, including one Barreiro said he delivered to his contact with the family.
The mall factor may be helping Barreiro raise other dollars. Meryl Fixler Berdugo, a Broward real estate agent, spoke to the Miami-Dade commission on January in favor of the project, which sits just south of the county line. She also gave $1,000 to Barreiro’s campaign. After a brief phone conversation Wednesday, Berdugo was not available for an interview about the donation.
Levine Cava, who also raised environmental concerns about the 175-acre project at the edge of Miami-Dade’s urban development zone, said she had a pleasant conversation after the vote with a representative of a foundation tied to Triple Five. “I was really surprised,” by the Barreiro donations, she said.
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/article215507785.html



Miami-Dade County commissioner Jose ‘Pepe’ Diaz speaks with Mayor Oliver Gilbert of Miami Gardens at the county commission meeting where the American Dream Mall project was given final zoning approval on May 17, 2018. Diaz sponsored the legislation approving the project, which sits in his district, but also sponsored a resolution that preemptively banned county subsidies for the $4 billion retail theme park. C.M. Guerrero cmguerrero@miamiherald.com


He backed the subsidy ban for American Dream mega-mall. Now he’s targeted for defeat
BY DOUGLAS HANKS
August 01, 2018 07:00 PM
Updated August 02, 2018 04:05 PM
Lily Stefano ran against the mayor of Medley two years ago and lost. This summer a lawyer she didn’t know representing a client he wouldn’t name asked her to try and unseat another incumbent: Miami-Dade Commissioner Jose “Pepe” Diaz.
“This is not a joke or anything like that,” Manuel Diner, a Broward County lawyer, said in the voice mail Stefano said she received in June. “I represent a client who is eager to have someone of your quality and experience and professionalism run for office and hopefully take a seat on the County Commission.”
In a follow-up phone call, Stefano said Diner named the District 12 incumbent as the target and said: “We need to get that a-hole out.”
Diner did not respond to interview requests. His reported passion for ousting Diaz adds him to a list of people linked to the American Dream Miami mega-mall who are trying to have someone replace the four-term commissioner.
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Diaz is the hometown commissioner for American Dream, a proposed $4 billion retail theme park by Triple Five, the Canada-based developer of Minnesota’s Mall of America. In May, Diaz sponsored legislation Triple Five had sought for several years: final zoning approval for the 175-acre project on undeveloped land in Northwest Miami-Dade, where the Florida Turnpike meets I-75. American Dream would bring the largest mall in America to Miami-Dade in a complex so large it plans to have an indoor ski slope, submarine rides and an amusement park.
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Diaz also sponsored legislation that Triple Five resisted: a preemptive ban on granting county subsidies for the project. American Dream didn’t ask for public dollars. But in the run-up to the May 17 vote on final zoning approvals, rival malls paid for television ads and robo-calls pressuring commissioners to approve a ban on public money.
“It’s a great job creator,” Diaz said of American Dream in a recent interview. “”But the people’s money cannot be used.”
The commission ultimately approved a watered-down restriction — one that future commissioners could waive with the same majority vote needed to approve a subsidy.
That seemed to placate American Dream on the political front. The family behind Triple Five, the Ghermezians, have become top donors to county incumbents since launching the project in 2014. The donations continued to roll in for Diaz after the vote. His campaign and an affiliated political committee, We the People, have received more than $30,000 from American Dream since the May vote to approve the project with the subsidy ban.
Manuel Diner, a Broward County lawyer, speaks before the Miami-Dade County Commission on May 17, 2018, at one of his multiple appearances supporting the American Dream Miami retail theme park.
This week, an American Dream lobbyist issued a flattering statement about Diaz and emphasized the company wanted him reelected.
“It was through Commissioner Diaz’s leadership that American Dream Miami and its 25,000 new permanent jobs are close to becoming a reality for our community,” said Miguel Diaz de la Portilla, an attorney and former state senator. “That’s why we raised over $60,000 for his campaign and will continue to vigorously help him in his reelection efforts.”
But this summer also saw campaign dollars and efforts working against Diaz that tie back to the push to approve the American Dream project:
▪ Diner, a solo practitioner with a Weston address on his website, was one of the most persistent public supporters of the American Dream project before Diaz and other commissioners.
“I was determined to be here today,” a hoarse Diner told the County Commission on May 17, saying he had left his “sick bed” to attend the final vote for American Dream’s hard-fought zoning approval. He said he hadn’t missed a single public meeting about the proposed retail theme park since the approval process began in 2017, and strongly supported the venture. “It will be a world attraction, just as Disney World is.”
Weeks later, Stefano said she received the surprise voice mail from Diner. The June 14 message, obtained separately by the Miami Herald, does not name Diaz but Stefano said the lawyer confirmed that was the target for his anonymous client. Stefano, a District 12 resident, declined the offer, saying she supported Diaz. The charity manager is now running for the Medley City Council.
▪ A Diaz challenger, Rafael Pineyro, has received nearly $5,000 from a Broward family with a member who was a public supporter of the American Dream project.
Meryl Fixler Berdugo appeared with a toddler in her arms at the first County Commission meeting on the American Dream application in January 2017, telling the board that Triple Five’s plans for a retail theme park would give parents and grandparents a welcome alternative. “I’m tired of going to your malls and sitting in a little pit area to play,” she said to laughter from the audience, “and have nothing to do.” .
Berdugo, a Parkland real estate agent, has not given to Pineyro’s campaign. Her brother, Marc Fixler, gave $1,000 to him. Their sister and brother-in-law, also of Parkland, gave $2,000. Another $1,800 came from Fixlers who share the Parkland address that Berdugo gave when she spoke before the commission last year.
In 2012, Marc Fixler and Berdugo formed a charity, AZ Yashir, with a Jacqueline Ghermezian that was dedicated to supporting hospitalized people. Fixler could not be reached for comment.
Berdugo, who did not respond to interview requests, is already a donor to the campaign for Gus Barreiro, a commission candidate who is receiving extensive financial support from the Ghermezian family. The former state representative is challenging Commissioner Daniella Levine Cava in District 8.
Levine Cava was the only commissioner to vote against approving American Dream’s zoning in May, and Triple Five executives have given more than $100,000 to Barreiro’s campaign and political committee. Berdugo gave $1,000 to Barreiro in July.
Michael Abadi addresses the Miami-Dade County Commission on Jan. 25, 2017, in support of his family’s American Dream Miami retail theme park.
She’s no stranger to Miami-Dade politics. In September 2016, Berdugo gave $10,000 to a political committee supporting the reelection of Mayor Carlos Gimenez, an early champion of American Dream. The same day Berdugo gave $10,000 to Gimenez’s Miami-Dade Residents First, Triple Five CEO Syd Ghermezian gave the organization the same amount.
▪ A business partner to a member of the Ghermezian family donated $2,000 to Pineyro. Nathan Yadgar, an Aventura business consultant, gave the maximum $1,000 and a company he owns, NNY Development Group, gave another $1,000.

Yadgar is also a partner in Say Holdings, a company formed in 2016 to purchase a house on Northeast 121st Street in North Miami for $425,000. The company sold it last year for $700,000. One of Yadgar’s two partners in Say Holdings in Michael Abadi, a Ghermezian son-in-law who also lives in Aventura. The third partner in the Say Holdings, Murray Sager, shares a Wellington address with another Pineyro donor, Jason Sager, who gave $2,000 personally and through a business he owns.
The Sagers could not be reached for comment. Yadgar, a District 4 voter who appears to be a first-time donor in a county race, said Wednesday his support of Pineyro had nothing to do with Abadi. “I just saw what he’s about,” Yadgar said of Pineyro. “I think it’s time for a change from Pepe Diaz.”
Barreiro identified Abadi as his main contact with Triple Five on campaign issues as he tries to unseat Levine Cava. Abadi, who gave $5,000 to Diaz’s We the People in late 2017, did not respond to interview requests.
Abadi and his wife, the former Shayna Ghermezian, both appeared before the County Commission during American Dream hearings.
In May, Shayna Abadi stood briefly with her father, Eskandar Ghermezian, a Triple Five partner and the company’s top Miami-Dade negotiator, when he introduced some family members to the board. Michael Abadi addressed commissioners during public comments on Jan. 25, 2017, without mentioning his family ties. He urged commissioners not to dismiss the idea of public subsidies for Triple Five. “I think it should be an issue that’s discussed among the people, the community, to see if it’s an investment that might be beneficial,” Abadi said.
Pineyro, who used to be a top aide in the Doral mayor’s office, said he has not met with American Dream representatives. But he said he did seek the developer’s support since he values the American Dream project. “I reached out for the opportunity for support,” he said. “I didn’t hear back.”
He gave up a City Commission race In Doral to challenge Diaz. The other District 12 candidate is Patricio Moreno, a former state House candidate who was recruited by the Miami-Dade Democratic Party to run against Diaz, a Republican, in the nonpartisan race. Pineyro is an independent.
Moreno had raised less than $2,000 for his campaign in the latest report. Diaz, meanwhile, has raised more than $400,000 in his campaign alone, with another $300,000 to spend from his committee.
While Pineyro can’t hope to outspend the incumbent, he can claim a better fundraising record than any challenger.
Of the 10 candidates challenging five commissioners up for reelection on Aug. 28, Pineyro has raised the most campaign cash: roughly $77,000.
“I’m reaching out to people,” Pineyro said of his fundraising success. “And I’ve asked people to reach out to their friends and family.”

Pineyro recently pulled off a coup for a challenger by securing the endorsement of a sitting county commissioner: Xavier Suarez of District 7. On American Dream, Pineyro said he wants Miami-Dade to extract more benefits from the project. “We still have more to ask of them,” he said. Pineyro said he’s also not ready to support a ban on local dollars for American Dream. “A blanket ban? No,” he said. “We have to look at each [request] independently and discuss it.”
Thursday morning, Pineyro sent an updated statement backing away from a willingness to at least consider the possibility of government support. “As your next commissioner,” he wrote, “I’ll not approve the use of public funds for this, or any private project.”



Tuesday, November 19, 2019

Canada's IRS Investigates the Ghermezians

The CRA is going after the wealthy family behind the West Edmonton Mall. Here’s why

By Jesse McLeanInvestigative Reporter
Fri., Nov. 15, 2019

Canada Revenue Agency is investigating one of the country’s wealthiest families and its network of foreign trusts and companies, alleging one family member in Toronto was wired millions of dollars in unreported income around the time she was collecting unemployment insurance benefits.

The target of the tax agency’s probe is the Ghermezian family, whose Triple Five Group is behind the West Edmonton Mall, the Mall of America and the newly opened American Dream ­ a sprawling complex in New Jersey that will be home to a water park and indoor ski slope.

In an effort to verify whether the family and its businesses are properly reporting their income, the CRA is scrutinizing a number of trusts and corporations in China, Gibraltar and the United States that it suspects are being controlled and managed by the Ghermezians from inside Canada, which could make those entities subject to Canadian taxes.

The CRA’s allegations, filed as part of an expansive legal dispute between the family and the federal government, have not been tested in court.

In a statement, the Ghermezians said the foreign corporations caught in the CRA’s crosshairs are owned and controlled by members of the family who reside outside of Canada.

“These interests have nothing to do with the North American businesses of the family,” the statement said. “The allegations made by the CRA that various Triple Five foreign entities are resident in Canada for income tax purposes contradict the relevant facts and law, including applicable tax treaties, between Canada and the relevant foreign countries.”

“The Ghermezian family is deeply upset by the spurious nature of the allegations made by the CRA,” the statement said.


In 2013, the CRA asked for a breakdown of all companies and trusts held by the senior leaders of the Ghermezian empire, brothers Eskandar, Nader, Bahman and Raphael. The four brothers had taken the reins of the family business from their father, Jacob, who grew his carpet business in Tehran, Iran, into an international conglomerate headquartered in Edmonton.

In response to the tax agency’s questions, the brothers did not mention their holdings or directorships of multiple offshore corporations or trusts, the CRA alleges.

A little over a month after receiving the CRA’s questions, Nader Ghermezian and his son-in-law, Marc Vaturi, resigned from their positions as directors of more than 30 Hong Kong corporations, the government alleges. In their place, two of Nader’s sons who are non-residentsof Canada took the role of directors, the CRA says.

“The group’s tax lawyer has attempted to prevent us from obtaining any further information about the (Hong Kong) companies, arguing that we don’t have jurisdiction over companies owned by non-residents,” states an internal 2018 CRA report outlining its audit of the Ghermezians.

The tax agency revved up its audit and began tracking money transfers from Hong Kong corporations it suspects are controlled by Nader Ghermezian and Vaturi.

Since 2014, the CRA alleges more than $10.5 million in “unreported offshore income” has been wired from the offshore entities to Canadian Dianna Vaturi ­Nader’s daughter and Vaturi’s wife.

The money transfers, the CRA alleges, were “directed” from a north Toronto home owned by the Vaturis and Nader Ghermezian. Property records show they own two houses in the same neighbourhood, one of which they had purchased in 2012 from members of the Bronfman family for $4.65 million.

The CRA says Dianna Vaturi “reports minimal income and during at least one of the years was receiving EI maternity benefits.”

“We believe that these funds are proceeds from offshore business activities such as real-estate development, real-estate leasing and consulting revenue,” a CRA report states.

In a statement, the Ghermezian family said the $10.5 million was actually “a loan to Mr. Marc Vaturi that has been repaid,” and dismissed the tax agency’s allegations as “spurious.”

“The CRA’s allegations are without support in fact and in law and will be vigorously challenged by the family in the appropriate forum,” the statement said.

As part of its audit, the CRA demanded that within 30 days Nader Ghermezian and Marc Vaturi produce more than 20 years of corporate records for at least seven foreign corporations.

The government said it needs the records “to further support our position that the offshore entities are managed and controlled from Canada,” as well as “for the purposes of tracing unreported income” and to “verify if additional income is being subverted to other taxpayers or unknown bank accounts” affiliated with the Ghermezians, according to a CRA report filed in court.

The tax agency has also demanded the four Ghermezian brothers produce U.S. tax returns for a series of trusts created in their names. These U.S. trusts “hold, through a complex structure of business entities, the Mall of America,” according to the CRA.

The Ghermezians refused to co-operate, saying the demands for records are an improper fishing expedition and the decision to issue them “was made in a perverse or capricious manner.”

The CRA’s demands touched off a metastasizing spate of legal actions, in which the Ghermezians have called on the Federal Court to quash the tax agency’s order, while the government asked the same court to compel the family to produce the documents.

Depending on how the court rules, the battle over whether the offshore corporations and trusts are taxable in Canada could unfold in tax court at some point in the future.

Queen’s University tax law professor Arthur Cockfield said the CRA’s request for internal financial records is a critical tool to assess whether an offshore entity should be subject to Canadian taxes.

“If the government doesn’t get this information, then it really doesn’t have a chance. The taxpayer knows everything, the government pretty much knows nothing ­ only what the taxpayer has filed,” said Cockfield, who is also member of a committee advising the federal government on ways to combat offshore tax evasion and aggressive tax planning.

“It’s reasonable for the government to request this foreign information so at least then there will be a level playing field,” he said.

The determination that an offshore trust or corporation is being managed and controlled from Canada could have significant financial consequences.

“It is a huge deal to the taxpayer,” Cockfield said. “They could lose all or virtually all of their tax benefits if a court finds it’s in fact controlled and managed in Canada.”

Norman Krone was senior executive with Triple Five’s operations in China from 2008 to 2010. He told the Star that the corporate structure was opaque ­ there were multiple different companies under the Triple Five banner and it was not clear to him who sat as each company’s directors. But one thing was always clear, he said.

“The marching orders came from Canada,” said Krone. “That’s the way it is with Triple Five. Nader makes the decisions. It all comes out of him and his brothers.”

In its statement, the Ghermezians said, “The family’s understanding is that the Hong Kong corporations were incorporated and managed in Hong Kong.”

Media coverage over the years described a family that was as close-knitas it was secretive. A 1986 article in the Washington Post detailed how the brothers, each with their own business area of expertise, “work from a suite of interconnecting offices and share the same telephone lines. They frequently tap into one another’s calls and drop in on each other’s meetings.” Canadian journalist and historian Peter C. Newman described the family in 1998 as living on an expanding compound in Edmonton, where they had built “the first of a planned series of connecting tunnels.”

Over the years, the Ghermezians have become mired in controversy.

In 1998, the government-owned Alberta Treasury Branches launched a legal action against the Ghermezians’ West Edmonton Mall, alleging bribes were paid to secure a favourable refinancing package for the mega-mall. The Ghermezians vehemently denied the allegations.

The two sides settled in 2002 and no criminal charges were ever pursued against the Ghermezians or their businesses. “These allegations were exhaustively publicized over 25 years ago and found to be without merit,” the Ghermezian family said in a statement to the Star.

The Ghermezian name soon got tangled in another scandal, this time in Las Vegas where Triple Five had been trying to build its ill-fated Spring Valley Casino.

In the early 2000s, agents with the Federal Bureau of Investigation were wiretapping calls in what became known as Operation G-String, a corruption investigation that led to four former county officials serving prison time for taking or facilitating bribes from a strip club kingpin.

In FBI transcripts former Clark County Commissioner Lance Malone discussed “bribes that Eskandar Ghermezian of Triple Five Corporation paid or intended to pay,” according to court submissions made by U.S. prosecutors in its case against Malone for delivering bribes to politicians on behalf of a strip club owner.

As county commissioner, Malone had publicly said he would oppose the casino project but then shocked his constituents by voting in favour of the Triple Five development, according to the prosecutors’ court material. The casino project was ultimately rejected by a state review panel.

Malone denied in court submissions that he ever received bribes from Ghermezian.

Eskandar Ghermezian was not part of Malone’s legal proceedings and had no opportunity to challenge the allegations in court.

“Mr. Ghermezian was never interviewed by any prosecutorial authority in this matter; let alone accused of any wrongdoing. To suggest any wrongdoing is false and extremely misleading,” the family said in a statement, emphasizing that Malone’s conviction “had absolutely nothing to do with the Ghermezian family nor Triple Five activities in Las Vegas.”  [More on Las Vegas here.]

This fall, Triple Five opened the first phase of its new entertainment complex, the American Dream Meadowlands in New Jersey. Over the next several months, visitors will be able to splash in a water park, carve down an indoor ski slope and shop at hundreds of different stores.

Building a mega-mall at a time when e-commerce is tolling a death knell for brick-and-mortar stores is a testament, the family says, to what the Ghermezians do best: creating a destination for family entertainment that cannot be replicated online.

“We do it successfully in Edmonton, we do it successfully at Mall of America. We’re not worried about people not coming,” Don Ghermezian, CEO of Triple Five and a grandson of the company’s patriarch Jacob, said at the mall’s October opening.

The development of the complex, years in the making, included up to roughly $390 million (USD) in tax dollar incentives from the New Jersey economic development authority.

The Ghermezians said in a statement that no public funds were provided to the American Dream development “that were not generated by the project itself.”

Calling the incentive “a rebate of collected sales tax generated by the project,” the Ghermezians said the complex used roughly $200 million, “which constitutes approximately 6% of the capital required to build the project which we consider very modest considering the significant economic benefits in tax revenues and employment which will be generated by the project.”

https://www.thestar.com/news/investigations/2019/11/15/the-cra-is-going-after-the-wealthy-family-behind-the-west-edmonton-mall-heres-why.html

Monday, November 18, 2019

Ghermezians' Record in Las Vegas

Power of Triple Five
Jeff German and Steve Kanigher
Monday, May 15, 2006 | 7:18 a.m.
During Erin Kenny's testimony last month at the corruption trial of two former Clark County commissioners, federal prosecutors asked if she had taken bribes from anyone other than ex-strip club owner Michael Galardi.
"Yes, one other party," replied Kenny, a former county commissioner who had also taken bribes from Galardi but later agreed to cooperate in the government's case.
In 2000, Kenny said, she began receiving $3,000 a month in cash from Triple Five Nevada Development Corp., one of Southern Nevada's most prominent real estate developers. The payments began just months after she voted in favor of the company's ill-fated casino proposal in Spring Valley and the money flowed for nearly three years, she said.
Kenny added that Triple Five started paying her only after she asked for a job. The company knew it had no other business coming before the commission, she said.
Nonetheless, her testimony cast a shadow over the high-powered Triple Five - a company with international ties that has built some of the Las Vegas Valley's largest retail centers and is a major political player in Southern Nevada.
Triple Five issued a statement after Kenny's testimony, strongly denying the allegation.
"Having already pleaded guilty to betrayal of the public trust in so many different ways, her alleged testimony is not worthy of belief," the statement said.
Jurors, however, regarded her testimony, and Galardi's, as credible enough to convict former County Commissioners Dario Herrera and Mary Kincaid-Chauncey. Whether federal authorities believed her about Triple Five is an open question.
Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Schiess, the lead prosecutor, said he had asked Kenny about her dealings with Triple Five to show the jury that she was "involved in other corrupt activities," which he did not identify.
After the trial, prosecutors said the federal corruption investigation is continuing. But they will not comment on the Triple Five bribery claim or whether they are looking into Kenny's allegation.
Local ethics and political experts say the government now has an obligation to resolve the accusation one way or another.
"It's just hanging there right now," said Craig Walton, a UNLV professor emeritus and president of the Nevada Center for Public Ethics.
"It's got to be looked at," Walton said. "There are a lot of us in the valley who don't believe that bribery on retainer is the way of political life."
Sig Rogich, a longtime political consultant who has represented gaming and development interests, said investigators have no choice but to delve further into the allegation.
"It would not speak highly of the government if it only went after the elected officials and not the businesses that may have contributed to the problem," Rogich said.
Don Williams, another veteran political consultant, said state and local law enforcement authorities, including the Nevada attorney general's office, also should be looking into Kenny's claim.
"There ought to be investigations popping up from all kinds of government entities," Williams said.
Williams said Kenny's testimony did not surprise him.
"Every step of the political process here is vulnerable," said Williams, who has been part of the Southern Nevada political scene for nearly 40 years. "You can make deals up and down the line."
In a relatively short period of time, Triple Five Nevada - part of a privately owned conglomeration run by one of Canada's wealthiest families, the Ghermezians - has become a political force in Southern Nevada, contributing to many campaigns.
The family empire was built by patriarch Jacob Ghermezian, who grew up in Azerbaijan in the former Soviet Union and eventually moved to Tehran, where he operated a carpet business. An apartment complex Ghermezian owned in Tehran played host to a 1943 conclave involving then-President Franklin Roosevelt, British leader Winston Churchill and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin that helped plan the invasion of Nazi-occupied Europe in World War II.
Ghermezian moved his carpet business to Montreal in the 1950s, becoming one of North America's largest importers of Persian rugs. A decade later, Ghermezian moved again to Edmonton, Alberta, and began investing in land there. That's where the family's parent company, Triple Five Corp., is based.
After Ghermezian died in 2000, his four sons, Eskandar, Nader, Bahman and Raphael, took over the family business. A third generation of Ghermezians, including Eskandar's son David, now help run many of Triple Five's businesses in Las Vegas and elsewhere in this country.
"Behind the facade of Marx Brothers-style merriment, the close-knit, hyperactive Ghermezian brothers are demanding, high-pressure negotiators who drive a hard bargain," the Washington Post wrote in 1986.
The newspaper reported that the brothers "work from a suite of interconnecting offices and share the same telephone lines. They frequently tap into one another's calls and drop in on each other's meetings. Each of the brothers has an area of expertise. Eskandar concentrates on finance and construction. Nader is the public relations spokesman and liaison with governments. Raphael focuses on legal matters. Bahman, the youngest, specializes in real estate and operations."
The family is secretive, which is why little is known about them. The Toronto Star reported in 1988 that they lived in a private Edmonton compound surrounded by barbed wire. Other news accounts have stated that the homes are connected by tunnels.
"Their marriages were arranged," the newspaper wrote of the brothers. "Their mother went to Iran to hand-pick her sons' wives, each of whom has a different religion, which has been adopted by each husband.
"The brothers eat lunch together every day to break up their regular 12-hour work schedules, often shouting each other down to get a point across."
During rare interviews, they have declined to answer personal questions and almost never agree to be photographed. Their elusiveness has left the family open to numerous rumors, including speculation that they have been financed by Middle Eastern oil money, something they have denied.
Over the years the family has become adept at developing grandiose shopping malls. It built the world's largest, the West Edmonton Mall in Edmonton, in 1981, and later this country's largest, the Mall of America in Bloomington, Minn., in 1992.
The Ghermezians entered the booming Las Vegas real estate market in the 1990s with little fanfare and quietly built an empire of upscale retail centers around the valley.
Triple Five's developments include Grand Canyon Parkway, Silverado Ranch Place, Boca Park Marketplace, Village Square and Colonnade Square at Pebble.
In the works is the company's most ambitious project here, the enclosed Great Mall of Las Vegas at the northwest corner of U.S. 95 and the Las Vegas Beltway, which could open by 2008.
As it has carved out its niche in commercial real estate, Triple Five has seen the value of contributing to local campaigns to boost its business interests.
The company and its long list of local affiliates (it has created dozens of limited liability companies here) have given money almost exclusively to candidates in Clark County Commission races and in city council and mayoral contests in Las Vegas, North Las Vegas and Henderson.
These are the elected offices that have authority over zoning matters that have affected Triple Five's projects.
Records show that since 1998 the company and its affiliates, most of which are based at 9510 W. Sahara Ave., Suite 200, have poured at least $153,000 into Southern Nevada campaigns .
Current and former county commissioners who have received contributions include Kenny, Kincaid-Chauncey, Lance Malone, Mark James, Chip Maxfield, Myrna Williams, Rory Reid, Yvonne Atkinson Gates, Bruce Woodbury and Lynette Boggs McDonald.
Three local mayors, Oscar Goodman of Las Vegas, Michael Montandon of North Las Vegas and Jim Gibson of Henderson, have been Triple Five recipients.
Gibson recently returned $10,000 he received in December for his Democratic gubernatorial bid after his Democratic primary foe, Senate Minority Leader Dina Titus of Las Vegas, made a campaign issue out of the contribution. Titus called upon Gibson to give back the money to "avoid any appearance of impropriety."
Among the current and former Las Vegas City Council members who have received Triple Five donations are Michael McDonald, Larry Brown, Lawrence Weekly, Steven Ross, Gary Reese and Janet Moncrief. Henderson City Council members Andy Hafen, Steven Kirk and Amanda Cyphers also were Triple Five recipients.
Triple Five also has not been shy about putting public officials on its payroll.
Former Las Vegas Councilman Michael Mack served as a graphics art consultant to Triple Five while he was on the council. Throughout his council tenure, Mack was accused of ethical breaches, and Galardi told FBI agents that he had given him cash under the table, though Mack was not charged in the Galardi case.
At times the Ghermezian family's business dealings have been mired in controversy in Edmonton and Las Vegas.
In 1974, two of the brothers, Eskandar and Raphael, were accused of offering $40,000 to an Edmonton city alderman for a favorable vote on one of their projects, according to Canadian newspaper reports. A judicial inquiry confirmed that the money was offered but concluded that it was for "past services" and did not constitute a bribe.
Then, in August 1998, the government-owned Alberta Treasury Branches filed a lawsuit against the Ghermezians, alleging that the family used a secret Israeli bank account to bribe the financial institution's former top executive in return for approving a $440 million refinancing package for the West Edmonton Mall.
The Ghermezians and the former bank official flatly denied the bribery allegation, and the family filed a countersuit against Alberta Treasury Branches. The bribery allegation was never proven and the two sides reached an out-of-court settlement in December 2002.
Triple Five's biggest brouhaha here involved its Spring Valley casino proposal, which was approved by the County Commission in January 2000 despite strenuous objections from residents in the neighborhood. The project later died, however, after it was rejected by a state oversight panel.
Kenny's testimony in the corruption trial last month rekindled the controversy, shedding new light on why she ignored the pleas of her constituents and pushed hard for the casino on behalf of Triple Five.
She testified that after she voted for the proposal, Triple Five started paying her $3,000 a month through May 2003, when FBI agents broke open the corruption investigation with raids on Galardi's strip clubs.
She said the payments were made by former Triple Five Vice President Don Davidson on behalf of Eskandar Ghermezian, who claimed he owed her a "life debt" over the Spring Valley casino vote.
In the beginning, Kenny said, Davidson brought her work to do in return for the money - she edited company brochures. Eventually, however, the work stopped coming in, but not the money.
"What happened with respect to the job and money?" Schiess asked Kenny.
"Over time, he would give me jobs to do," she said. "I would do the jobs, whatever they were, and at the end of every month he would pay me. And after about three or four months, maybe a little longer, he stopped giving me work to do ..."
Schiess: "What would happen each month when the work would stop coming in connection with Mr. Davidson?"
Kenny: "He just continued to pay me."
Schiess: "How much did he pay you?"
Kenny: "Three thousand dollars."
Schiess: "In what form?"
Kenny: "Cash."
Evidence provided by Kenny led to a federal indictment in November of Davidson on charges he gave Kenny $200,000 in bribes unrelated to Triple Five. He allegedly paid the money for Kenny's help in pushing zoning changes that cleared the way for construction of a CVS Pharmacy at Desert Inn Road and Buffalo Drive.
Triple Five was not involved in that project. But the indictment does give investigators leverage if they have reason to pressure him for possible evidence against Triple Five. Davidson's son, Lawrence, a disbarred lawyer, was also named in the indictment. Both have pleaded not guilty.
The alleged Triple Five payments to Kenny were mentioned in the indictment, although the company was not identified by name.
"From in or around 2000 to in or about May 2003, defendant Donald Davidson and Kenny met each other monthly for social reasons," the indictment said. "Each month defendant Donald Davidson gave Kenny $3,000 cash from a real estate developer because of a favorable vote that Kenny had cast in a controversial matter on behalf of the developer."
Her admitted dealings with Triple Five don't surprise Spring Valley residents who battled the Triple Five casino proposal six years ago.
"A lot of us didn't understand why we had to fight so hard," said Lisa Mayo-DeRiso, one of the activists in the political battle. "People always suspected she was getting paid off, but no one really wanted to believe it."
Though Triple Five and Davidson denied paying bribes to Kenny, Mayo-DeRiso said the company owes the community an apology.
"You would like to see Triple Five come back and say, 'We're sorry. We really violated the trust of the community, and we're going to make things right,' " she said.
Andy Rankin, general counsel for Triple Five in Nevada, would not comment for this story. But sources close to the company said Triple Five is confident that Kenny's courtroom testimony did not demonstrate wrongdoing by the company.
Davidson's lawyer, Dominic Gentile, also said his client did nothing wrong.
Kenny, it turns out, wasn't the only commissioner whose actions were questioned in the Spring Valley casino debate.
Former County Commissioner Lance Malone had promised Triple Five's competitor in the area, neighborhood casino giant Station Casinos Inc., that he would not support the Triple Five project. He also told residents in the area that he wouldn't vote for the proposal.
But at the last minute, Malone switched allegiance to Triple Five and ended up becoming the swing vote that led to the County Commission's approval.
"It just smacked us in the face," Mayo-DeRiso recalled. "We were like, 'How could this happen?' "
After the vote, in which Malone admitted going back on his word, an outraged Station Casinos worked successfully to defeat him in his re-election bid in 2000.
Malone later went to work as a lobbyist for Galardi. He became the middleman allegedly spreading around cash to Kenny, Herrera, Kincaid-Chauncey and others who were asked to favor Galardi's business interests.
Malone was convicted in San Diego federal court last year of being Galardi's bagman with politicians there. He is scheduled to stand trial on similar charges in Las Vegas in August.
A couple of months before the Spring Valley casino vote, campaign records show, Malone collected $14,500 in campaign contributions from Triple Five and its affiliates.
FBI reports obtained by the Sun quote Galardi alleging more questionable conduct on the part of Malone and Triple Five.
Galardi, while striking a deal to cooperate with the government in 2003, told FBI agents that Malone told him that he received $150,000 from Triple Five and the Ghermezian brothers for supporting the Spring Valley proposal.
Malone reportedly indicated that he had "worked under the table" with the Ghermezians without the knowledge of Station Casinos and others who thought he was opposing the project.
"Malone came to Galardi and advised him of what he was doing and Galardi indicated to Malone that it was not the right thing to do," the FBI said in the reports of interviews with Galardi.
Many names were blacked out in the FBI reports, with persons and companies identified only generically. A close reading of the reports by the Sun shows that "Company #1" referred to Triple Five, and the brothers were identified together as "individual #10."
The FBI also quoted Galardi as alleging that the Ghermezians gave money to former Las Vegas Councilman Michael McDonald.
Galardi claimed that McDonald, once a paid Galardi consultant, told him that he had received $50,000 in cash from the "brothers" for his "City Council influence on business deals that would affect" Triple Five.
"After McDonald received the $50,000 cash," FBI agents said, "he came over to the construction site of Galardi's new residence and, while visiting in the construction trailer on Galardi's property, advised him of the receipt of the $50,000 from company #1."
Later Galardi told FBI agents that Malone had set up a meeting between McDonald and one of the "individual #10" brothers at a development project, where McDonald received the money.
Galardi recalled that McDonald showed him a duffle bag that he said contained the cash.
Rankin declined to comment on Galardi's claims.
But Gentile, who also represents Malone, said the allegations about his client were "absolutely not true.
"There's so much that Mike Galardi has said that is untrue and fabricated," Gentile said. "This is just one more item that falls into that category."


https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/152916110/
1.      
Nov 23, 2005 - ... involving former county Commissioner Erin Kenny, U.S. Attorney for ... Kenny, who lost a bid in 2002 for lieutenant governor, was not charged in the case. ... Donald Davidson was a vice president of Triple Five Development 




U.S. Department of Justice


United States Attorney

District of Nevada


Daniel G. Bogden
United States Attorney

333 Las Vegas Blvd. South
Suite 5000
Las Vegas, NV 89101
Telephone (702) 388-6336
FAX (702) 388-6296










THREE INDICTED, TWO PLEAD GUILTY IN POLITICAL CORRUPTION INVESTIGATION
-FORMER & PRESENT CLARK COUNTY COMMISSIONERS CHARGED-
LAS VEGAS - - Daniel G. Bogden, United States Attorney for the District of Nevada, Ellen B. Knowlton, Special Agent-in-Charge of the Federal Bureau of Investigation for Nevada, and Clark County Sheriff Bill Young, announce that the Federal Grand Jury returned an Indictment today against former Clark County, Nevada Commissioners LANCE MATTHEW MALONE and DARIO HERRERA, ages 41 and 30, respectively, and current Clark County Commissioner MARY KINCAID-CHAUNCEY, age 65, all residents of Las Vegas, Nevada. MALONE is charged with conspiring to violate the Racketeer Influenced Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), Conspiracy to Commit Wire Fraud, Wire Fraud, and Criminal Forfeiture, in connection with allegations that he conspired to deprive the Clark County Commission and the citizens of Clark County of their right to the honest services of public officials. Defendants KINCAID-CHAUNCEY and HERRERA are charged with Conspiracy to Commit Wire Fraud, Wire Fraud, Extortion Under Color of Official Right, and Criminal Forfeiture.

The Indictment alleges that LANCE MALONE, who served as a Clark County Commissioner from January 1997 to January 2001, and thereafter was employed by Las Vegas strip club owner MICHAEL GALARDI, solicited and received money, property, and services from MICHAEL GALARDI either for the purpose of being influenced by GALARDI during his time as a county commissioner or for the purpose of influencing defendants HERRERA, KINCAID-CHAUNCEY, and former County Commissioner ERIN KENNY, in matters relating to zoning, licensing, and other decisions that would favorably affect MICHAEL GALARDI and his Las Vegas gentlemen's club/strip club businesses. The Indictment alleges that defendants KINCAID-CHAUNCEY and HERRERA, and ERIN KENNY solicited and accepted money, property, and services from defendant MALONE and used their public offices to further MICHAEL GALARDI's interests. The Indictment further alleges that members of the conspiracy concealed the payments they received from GALARDI and failed to disclose the payments as required by law and their fiduciary duties as County Commissioners.

Some of the matters which the defendants allegedly influenced corruptly include the passage of a Clark County Ordinance that increased the separation between strip clubs from 500 to 1000 feet; the issuance of zoning use permits and liquor license for Jaguars; the controlling and harassing of MICHAEL GALARDI's business competitors; the defeat of a proposed ordinance that would have prohibited all touching between dancers and patrons except hand-to-hand tipping (the No-Touch Ordinance); the defeat of a revised No-Touch Ordinance that permitted limited physical contact between dancers and patrons, but prohibited a patron from placing a tip in a dancer's G-String and prohibited anyone under the age of 21, including dancers, from being in a strip club that served alcohol; and the annexation of Jaguars from Clark County to the City of Las Vegas.

The United States Attorney's Office also announces that the District Court has unsealed Plea Memorandums and Criminal Informations against former Clark County Commissioner ERIN KENNY, age 42, and businessman MICHAEL DEAN GALARDI, age 41, both of Las Vegas.

On October 24, 2003, MICHAEL GALARDI pleaded guilty before United States District Judge James Mahan to a single-count Criminal Information charging GALARDI with violating the RICO Act. MICHAEL GALARDI has admitted that from at least 1994 to May 2003, he and his co-conspirators devised a scheme to increase the profitability and competitive advantage of his gentlemen's clubs/strip clubs in Las Vegas by paying certain local public officials money or providing them property and services in exchange for their influence over matters that came before them. According to the Information, MICHAEL GALARDI directly, or through intermediaries, paid over time a sum total of between $200,000 and $400,000 to certain public officials. Pursuant to his Plea Agreement, MR. GALARDI has agreed to forfeit $3,850,000 and to divest himself of his ownership and management interests in, and the liquor and business licenses for, the Cheetahs and Jaguars Gentlemen's Clubs in Las Vegas. He also has agreed to cooperate fully in the investigation and prosecution of other persons and to pay restitution in the amount of $200,000 to the City of Las Vegas and $200,000 to Clark County. The statutory maximum penalty for a RICO violation is twenty years imprisonment, a $250,000 fine, or both.

On July 24, 2003, ERIN KENNY pleaded guilty to a three-count Criminal Information charging her with conspiracy to commit wire fraud and wire fraud for the purpose of depriving the citizens of Nevada of her honest services as a Clark County Commissioner. MS. KENNY has admitted that no later than June 2001, she entered into an agreement with MICHAEL GALARDI, LANCE MALONE, and others in which they would pay her to use her official position to exercise influence on the Clark County Commission over matters affecting MICHAEL GALARDI's businesses. ERIN KENNY admitted that she received cash payments from MICHAEL GALARDI through LANCE MALONE for using her influence to pass and/or amend Clark County ordinances beneficial to MICHAEL GALARDI and his businesses. MS. KENNY also agreed to forfeit $70,258.53 in U.S. currency. The conspiracy count has a statutory maximum penalty of five years imprisonment and a $250,000 fine, and the substantive wire fraud counts each have a maximum statutory penalty of 20 years imprisonment and a $250,000 fine.

Summons were issued to defendants MALONE, HERRERA, and KINCAID-CHAUNCEY. Their initial appearance and arraignment hearings are set for November 21, 2003, at 8:30 a.m. MICHAEL GALARDI and ERIN KENNY are released on bond pending sentencing.

If convicted, defendants HERRERA and KINCAID-CHAUNCEY are facing a statutory maximum sentence of up to five years in prison on the conspiracy to commit wire fraud charges (Count 1); up to 20 years in prison on each of the substantive wire fraud charges (Counts 2 - 15); and up to 20 years in prison on each of the Extortion charges (Counts 15 - 20). If convicted, defendant MALONE faces up to five years in prison on the conspiracy to commit wire fraud charges (Count 1); up to 20 years in prison on each of the substantive wire fraud charges (Counts 2 - 15); and up to 20 years in prison on the RICO Conspiracy charge (Count 21). The Criminal Forfeiture Counts allege that LANCE MALONE shall forfeit $350,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the wire fraud counts, and $750,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the RICO count. The forfeiture counts allege that MARY KINCAID-CHAUNCY shall forfeit $40,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the wire fraud counts, and $20,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the Extortion count. The allegations against DARIO HERRERA charge that he shall forfeit $60,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the wire fraud counts, and $50,000 in U.S. currency if convicted of the Extortion count. The actual sentences will be dictated by the United States Sentencing Guidelines, which take into account a number of factors and will be imposed in the discretion of the Court.

The prosecutions are the result of a joint investigation by Special Agents with the Federal Bureau of Investigation in Las Vegas, Detectives with the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department, and Special Agents of the Internal Revenue Service, Criminal Investigation. The cases are being prosecuted by Steven W. Myhre, First Assistant United States Attorney, Daniel R. Schiess, Assistant United States Attorney, and Tom Ott and David Malagold, Trial Attorneys with the Department of Justice Organized Crime and Racketeering Section.

The public is reminded that an indictment contains only charges and is not evidence of guilt. The defendants are presumed innocent and are entitled to a fair trial at which the government has the burden of proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.


Kenny was a marvelous advocate for whomever she was advocating for, brazenly shilling for labor unions trying to banish Wal-Mart from the community or rounding up votes for Triple Five trying to get approval for a casino.



Later that year Boyd Gaming and Triple Five Nevada Development Corp. pushed for an eight-story casino in a shopping center near Flamingo Road and Grand Canyon Drive.
The January 2000 approval of that neighborhood casino was widely criticized for violating the intent of a state law prohibiting neighborhood casinos.
Kenny joined with Mary Kincaid-Chauncey and Malone in supporting the casino, while three commissioners abstained. The vote was political suicide for Malone, who had assured residents he would not support the casino but changed his mind and voted for it.
Malone lost his re-election bid later that year.
The casino was challenged in court, and the commission's vote for approval was subsequently thrown out.
Boyd, Triple Five, its attorneys and employees donated nearly $30,000 to Kenny's 1998 election campaign and donated at least $50,000 to Kincaid-Chauncey, according to a Sun analysis of campaign finance reports.
Triple Five executive Don Davidson has hired a defense attorney in relation to the current federal investigation. Kenny and Kincaid-Chauncey have been identified as targets of the probe, while Malone, former Commissioner Dario Herrera and former Las Vegas City Councilman Michael McDonald, are considered subjects.
Immediately after she left office in January, Kenny concentrated her time on lobbying for both Triple Five and Rhodes.
https://lasvegassun.com/news/2003/aug/29/erin-being-erin/


Erin has said that she used to meet with developer Donald Davidson once a month, and that he would toss her treats—$2,000 or $3,000—for every vote she cast favorable to his plans. Then, in 2001, she said to hell with my constituents' wishes and helped rezone the Desert Inn Road-Buffalo Drive region, in order for a CVS Pharmacy to be erected there; and in the end, according to the Department of Justice, she received $200,000 from Davidson and $100,000 from his company, Triple Five Development, to be placed in her own personal account overseas. 
She confirmed that she had received $100,000 from the Triple Five Development corporation;
She acknowledged the $200,000 she got from its vice president, Donald Davidson, and $20,000 more from another developer, through Davidson, known only as Chinaman;
(Later, a lawyer for Triple Five, speaking to the Las Vegas Sun in an effort to rebut Erin's implications of his client, turned a negative spin on Erin's definitive characteristics:
"This is a very intelligent and wily person who spent years lying to the public and getting away with it. She is going to say whatever is going to work out best for her.")

The corrupt former county commissioner handed federal authorities unexpected gifts when she admitted she was a crook on May 15, 2003. FBI agents had damning tapes of conversations of her discussing bribes from topless club owner Michael Galardi. Then the final question of the day: Did you take bribes from anyone else?
Actually, yes. She confessed she also welcomed bribes from real estate developer Donald Davidson. She said the vice president at Triple Five Development gave her $200,000 for a zone change vote for a CVS Pharmacy. She said that for about two years, he handed her $3,000 a month on behalf of his boss Eskander Ghermezian as a thank you for a zoning vote in behalf of a never-built casino. And, oh yes, she remembered Davidson gave her a separate bribe from developer John Hui for somewhere between $5,000 and $20,000.
Jane Ann Morrison’s column appears Monday, Thursday and Saturday. E-mail her at Jane@reviewjournal.com or call 383-0275.



Ex-tenants sue Boca Park developer

April 5, 2008 - 9:00 pm
  

He looks more like a Luigi than a Versace.
Rick Knight acknowledges the transition from pizza chain owner to a women’s fashion boutique operator five years ago was unusual, but he said he was persuaded by the Canadian-based Ghermezian family to switch paths in 2003.
He would be able to afford Ferraris, he said he was told. He could open 30 more shops across the country. He could be one of them — a billionaire.
Knight believed it. After all, he said, the suggestion came from a wealthy developer who built America’s largest shopping center, a worldwide tourist attraction.
And so he opened his first boutique, Rage, at Boca Park in Summerlin in 2003.
“When you meet with these guys, they are so intimidating, they are so powerful. You think their word is gold,” said Knight, whose Mr. Eatz pizza stores had turned him into a successful Las Vegas businessman.
Knight is referring to the father-son team of Eskander and David Ghermezian, now defendants in lawsuits filed by Knight and six other former tenants of Ghermezian properties who claim the family’s business tactics torpedoed their dreams and left them broke.
The six tenants are being sued by the Ghermezian’s Triple Five Nevada Development Company for breach of contract. Each filed counter-suits echoing Knight’s complaint that they were “induced to enter into leases based on unfair bargaining practices and unconscionable conduct.”
They also claim they signed their leases under false pretenses that the shopping centers were thriving when in reality they struggled. The former tenants say Triple Five agreed to release them from their leases and then sued them for breach of contract and lost rent.
“Basically what they (the Ghermezians) did was they came here to Las Vegas as entrepreneurs and they’re making their millions off the backs of locals,” said Sigal Chattah, a Las Vegas attorney representing the former tenants. “They have managed to use the locals’ money and bring locals in to conduct their business in a way that lacks serious integrity.”
Knight admits he had no business entering the fashion industry. A high school drop-out, he worked as a cook at a pizza joint. Driven to succeed, he opened five pizza restaurants in Las Vegas. His fortunes allowed him to purchase a high-end home, investment properties and luxury cars.
Knight says he now has nothing.
He blames his loss on the Ghermezians, whom he claims persuaded him to lease larger units and promised he would make profits of $40,000 each month with his Rage boutique. He said the Ghermezians encouraged him to open more stores, so Knight leased space in three other Ghermezian shopping centers. Within three years, he was broke.
“I lost my wife, I lost my houses, I lost my cars, I lost my friends; I lost everything,” the 33-year-old said Tuesday. “My friends went bankrupt because of me.”
Knight claims the Ghermezians steered him away from the restaurant business because retail is more beneficial to commercial developers. Retail shops are more stable and therefore more appealing to loan institutions, he said. And knowing that his stores were struggling, they persuaded him to open more, he said. Things would turn around, the developers promised, according to his lawsuit.
“I’m not a victim; I’m not stupid,” Knight said. “But I’m talking to these people who are powerful and they believed in me.”
Andrew Rankin, an attorney for Triple Five Development, said it was Knight who proposed opening a clothing boutique and the Ghermezians did what they could to accommodate him.
“This has gained publicity because it’s Triple Five,” Rankin said. “I don’t think the claims have any merit whatsoever.”
The names Ghermezian and Triple Five gained unwanted attention in Las Vegas two years ago during a political corruption scandal that sent four former Clark County commissioners to federal prison.
Former Commissioner Erin Kenny, the government’s star witness, testified in 2006 that Eskander Ghermezian delivered to her $3,000 a month in illegal payments over a three-year period after she attempted to push through a controversial casino in the Spring Valley neighborhood.
“Las Vegas has worked very hard to get rid of the reputation for corruption that it had for the past 20 years,” Chattah said. “The Ghermezians are now bringing their toxic business practices back into the new Las Vegas.”
Neither the Ghermezians nor their development company have been criminally charged in connection with the political corruption case.
Disgruntled former tenants of Ghermezian-owned properties say they fear the family is so powerful, they might be deprived of a fair trial. They are in the process of requesting that all seven lawsuits be consolidated.
“I’m not implying there is any wrongdoing,” said Chattah, who agreed to represent the tenants on a contingency fee basis. “But it would be suspect to deny” the request to consolidate the cases.
Chattah said the complaints are virtually identical and it would be a waste of taxpayer money to hold seven separate jury trials. Consolidating the cases would strengthen the tenants’ claims before a jury, she said.
Rankin said Chattah convinced the business owners they have a case when in reality, the Ghermezians were not to blame for the failing businesses.
“I think they are all latching on to a theory she created,” he said. “The realistic thing is there are certain tenants who vacated their units and didn’t fulfill their lease obligations.”
Boca Park’s current tenants are doing very well, the attorney said. Vacancies are higher at the 145-unit Village Square, he said, but the economy could be a factor.
Rankin suggested it is a coincidence the seven tenants involved in the legal dispute find themselves in the same position.
“They may have been under-capitalized,” he said.
The tenants tell a different story.
Knight believes he was wronged by the Ghermezians when they persuaded him to open four clothing shops, even though he was pulling in as little as $50 a day on units the family said would generate profits of $40,000 a month. He said the company never conducted background checks on his finances or credit.
“I was investing on their promises,” said Knight, who added he believed he was forging a solid business and personal relationship with Eskander Ghermezian.
Knight said he now believes he served as a pawn that allowed the Ghermezians to dupe other business owners into leasing space at shopping centers loaded with vacancies. When prospective shop owners toured his store, Knight said, the Ghermezians urged him to misrepresent his profits. He figured he would also benefit by turning neighboring vacancies into thriving businesses.
“I’m floored,” Knight said. “Everybody got sucked in because of me.”
The Ghermezians told prospects of Knight’s riches.
“They pointed to his Range Rover and said he owned a million-dollar home,” said Amjad Kisswani, who signed a lease to open a frame shop at Village Square, at Sahara Avenue and Fort Apache Road after seeing Knight’s business.
But in reality, Knight had refinanced his home, sold investment properties and borrowed from friends and families to stay afloat. To keep their hopes of bringing in more lessees, Knight said the Ghermezians kept his businesses alive by allowing him to operate rent-free for a year.
Knight figures the Ghermezians lost out on $3 million because he didn’t pay rent on his 16,000-square-feet of retail space.
And Knight is the only one of Chattah’s clients who has not been sued for breach of contract by the Ghermezians. Knight thinks the family backed off because of favors he provided. He said he signed bogus leases worth nearly $20,000 so the Ghermezians could secure loans.
“Rick is the first one suing that hasn’t been sued,” Chattah said. “They knew he could whistle-blow. He’s the one who should have been sued.”
Rankin balked at Knight’s allegations. He said Eskander Ghermezian met only once with Knight to wish him well. Claims that the Ghermezians requested Knight sign bogus leases for loans are “absolutely incorrect,” he said. Rankin added that a lawsuit wasn’t filed against Knight because he was in collections.
Kisswani’s case was different.
He signed a lease to open a picture frame shop at Village Square in February 2006. He was told of an advertising campaign for the shopping center and that all necessary improvements on his space would be completed by August. In November, his unit still was not ready.
Kisswani said he received a phone call from Triple Five saying it had another businessman interested in leasing the unit. Kisswani, having lost money after he invested in merchandise but was unable to recoup the costs in sales, obliged.
“I thought it was over,” he said.
But in February 2007, Kisswani was served with a lawsuit saying he owed the company $300,000. Fearing the suit would ruin him financially, Kisswani closed two other businesses he owned on the Strip.
Liberty Curtis opened Liberty Touch, a home decor store, at Village Square in 2006. She too said the Ghermezians told her the shop would bring in $40,000 a month. Instead, she netted $1,000 a month. She said that with Triple Five’s blessing, she opted out of her lease after her business was burglarized twice.
She said although her space was leased immediately, the company is suing her for $498,000.
Curtis said she was headed into bankruptcy when she contacted Chattah for representation.
Rankin said the tenants’ claims are simply untrue. He explained that the Ghermezians are a successful business family that cares about its tenants and does what they can to accommodate them.
“We are willing to work with our tenants,” Rankin said. “For a lot of them it’s their first store and we sympathize with their plight. We are always willing to negotiate.”
Contact reporter Adrienne Packer at apacker@reviewjournal.com or (702) 384-8710.